Before taking office, Trump did not seem to know Soleimani, but only a few months later, he thought of the possibility of killing Quds commander.

U.S. President Donald Trump first proposed the idea of killing Qassem Soleimani, commander of the Quds task force of the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard (IRGC), in the spring of 2017, after Iranian-backed Yemeni rebels launched. ballistic missiles into Riyadh, Saudi Arabia just before Trump's visit, the source said.

However, James Mattis, the US defense secretary at the time, protested. The US military did not take action, although the idea of killing Iranian generals continued to be debated in the Trump administration many times later, a former Pentagon senior official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, recalled.

In the wake of recent U.S. aggression in the Middle East, along with the impending "potential threat", Trump decided to "go down" with Soleimani, ordering him to attack outside. Baghdad airport, Iraq on January 3.

Some former White House officials consider the absence of Mattis in the Trump administration as one of the reasons for the plan to murder Soleimani approved. They said that if Mattis was still in office, he would oppose the air strike, or not propose that idea to Trump. Mattis declined to comment on the Soleimani attack.

While in office, Mattis's caution was often strengthened by General Joseph Dunford, former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and John Kelly, former White House chief of staff. The trio have served in the Marines for decades and are concerned about the potential consequences of escalating tensions in the Middle East.

Although famous for his "hawkish" attitude to Iran, Mattis still prioritizes the fight against the Islamic State (IS) self-proclaimed. On a more distant view, he focused on preparing the military to deal with the dangers of conflict with major powers, such as China or Russia.

But Mattis resigned at the end of 2018 to protest Trump's decision to withdraw troops from Syria, and the Pentagon has a new boss, Mark Esper. The chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the White House chief of staff and the commander of the US Central Command (CENTCOM), which oversees military operations in the Middle East, are among others.

Observers said the Soleimani airstrike showed that Trump is increasingly able to do what he wants. The current team of U.S. national security officials is also willing to provide Trump with more drastic options and tend to disregard the President's thinking.

White House sources said Pentagon officials had "hooked" the plan to kill Soleimani on the list of countermeasures against Iran, thinking that this would make it easier for other options to be approved by the President. get over. But they did not expect that Trump chose the most "extreme" way, while no critical voice was strong enough to block his decision.

The declining threat from ISIS in Iraq and Syria has enabled them to direct their "nose" toward Iran.

General Joseph Votel, former commander of CENTCOM, was once the "chief architect" in the Trump administration's plan to destroy IS. He resolutely pushed to maintain American troops in northern Syria to support the Kurdish militia, ensuring that the IS militants did not return. However, Trump last year decided to withdraw some American soldiers and declare that IS was defeated.

General Kenneth McKenzie, the current commander of CENTCOM, changed the priority over his predecessor by making Iran the focus of his commanding policy.

The change is also evident in Trump's military advisory team. General Mark Milley, who succeeded Dunford as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, showed his conservatism when he publicly defended the Trump administration's policies.

After the Soleimani air raid, Milley voiced support for the President's decision. "We will cause a negligent negligence on the American people if we do not implement the decision we have just made," the US General said, referring to the threat of future attacks from Soleimani.

Secretary of Defense Esper has also become increasingly a "voice" for Trump, as he appeared on television several times and responded to the press at the Pentagon. In his speeches, the Esper defended the decision to kill Iranian general and sought to explain some of the President's controversial statements.

After Trump threatened to attack Iranian cultural sites, Esper insisted that the US military would comply with the armed conflict law, implying that such attacks would not occur. A few days later, Trump reiterated that he would not attack "if that was the law". The Esper also said "there was no concrete evidence" about Iran's plan to attack four US embassies, different from the information from Trump, but added that he "shared the view with the President that Iran would target the envoys. shop ".

The longest serving and most influential member of Trump's advisory group is US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who has long pushed for a more hawkish view of Iran. Esper, Pompeo's former classmate at the West Point military academy, worked closely with him to accomplish this goal.

US national security adviser Robert O'Brien also works differently from his predecessor John Bolton. According to an anonymous source, Bolton regularly put his own views into the decision-making process and made it difficult for cabinet members to not disclose them to them.

Meanwhile, officials say that O'Brien, a former lawyer and hostage negotiator, considers himself a coordinator and has a duty to support. He has never argued with Trump like Bolton or former national security adviser H.R. McMaster. Trump often complains to McMaster or tries to prove that the President is wrong.

Like O'Brien, White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney also tends to avoid clashes or try to curb Trump's impulsiveness, especially in national security decisions. Due to her background as a lawyer, Mulvaney also has limited experience in this matter.

In contrast, John Kelly, Mulvaney's predecessor, often told military officials that he wanted to discuss with Trump before they executed the President's orders, sometimes persuading them to delay action.

When Trump offered to withdraw the United States from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) or withdraw US troops from the Middle East in late 2017, Kelly tried to persuade senior military and intelligence officials to seek a change. Trump's thoughts. "The president is in a hurry. The extension of the time may calm him down, after which they will explain to him the consequences," a source said.

According to observers, Trump's confidence is further strengthened after three years in power. He also seems to feel that expert predictions of dire consequences in the Middle East are not always right. Senior officials have warned Trump that moving the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem will increase attacks on U.S. troops across the Middle East, but this has never happened.

A former White House official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said when Trump proposed to kill Soleimani, "many people advised him not to," but the White House boss said the consequences would not be as bad as expected.

Trump is also encouraged by a team of security advisers who have a fairly unified stance, especially in the "hawkish" view of Iran. "The result is that things are not scrutinized, are less argumentative and take action more quickly. It's a small group of like-minded and able to come to a swift decision," another former official said.

Supporters of the "hawk" policy with Iran are delighted with the new security advisory group accompanying Trump. However, Democrats have expressed concern that the President may inadvertently plunge into a larger war with Iran.

"Mattis is famous for his hawkish view of Iran, but eventually became one of the most alert minds in the cabinet," said Democratic Senator Chris Murphy, noting that very few people on the team. Trump's current security team "has any real diplomatic experience."